Mother given ‘forced abortion’ in China granted refuge in New Zealand, after harrowing story

A Chinese mother who was given a forced abortion after falling pregnant with her third child have finally been granted refugee status in New Zealand.

The mother – along with her husband, her 19-year-old daughter and 8-year-old son – appealed to the Immigration and Protection Tribunal after their initial decision to grant refugee protection was refused last year.

The family’s story highlights how China’s former one-child policy and current two-child policy continue to leave a painful legacy, and have been responsible for countless abortions in the world’s most populous country.

The pair married in China in 2008, having met in December 2000. The wife already had a daughter from her first marriage.

In April 2010, the mother of two discovered she was pregnant with another child, a boy.

Under Chinese law, the pair had to pay “a large sum of money” for a birth permit to have the second child. He was born in February 2011 and the family paid further money to register him.

After the son’s birth, Government officials regularly visited the couple’s home from 2010 to 2016, demanding the husband and wife write and sign a pledge agreeing to have no more children.

When they refused, the couple revealed, officials would threaten and insult them.

In addition to intimidating visits to the home, the husband’s employer also exerted pressure on him to not have further children. The state-owned company told the husband he had to either agree to have no more children or resign.

When he refused to do either, the company reduced his income to the minimum wage and subjected him to further harassment, which led him to resign.

In December 2015, the wife discovered she was pregnant with a third child. The news was received with “much joy” by the family.

However, Government officials soon found out and visited the family home to demand that the mother of two have an abortion. 

Court documents note that officials “pushed and prodded the wife and told her she was a pig for wanting so many children,” causing her to faint.

Shortly afterward, she began to experience heavy bleeding and went to the hospital fearing the worst.

Doctors and nurses treated the couple coldly after they learned it was her third pregnancy. They failed to undertake any scans or other tests to check on the health of the baby or to see if there was a heartbeat.

Instead, the wife was taken into theatre and was told she was having an operation to “remove the remainder of the foetus”

Due to the trauma of the event, the wife has trouble remembering what happened next but remembers seeing her baby being sucked out a tube and into a drainage pipe during the operation.

She doesn’t know if her baby was alive at the time or had miscarried.

However, neither she or her husband signed any consent forms for the procedure and believe officials directly or indirectly killed their child.

The Tribunal is satisfied that the events at the hospital amount to serious harm in the form of cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment and has resulted in psychological damage for the wife.

It found that the family had a well-founded fear of being persecuted if made to return to China and ruled that as refugees they cannot be deported.

The family can remain in New Zealand for the foreseeable future, but have been unsuccessful in getting pregnant again, since they lost their third child.  

Although China’s brutal one-child policy was ended in 2015, it has now been replaced by a similarly draconian two-choice policy and the devastating consequences of forced abortions, sterilizations, abandoned newborns, and Government abductions are still ongoing.

Chinese-born filmmakers Nanfu Wang and Jialing Zhang exposed some of the consequences of the policy by retelling some of the stories of some of those who lived through it. 

Early on in their One Child Nation documentary, which can be viewed on Amazon Prime Video, an 84-year-old midwife revealed she was unsure how many babies she had delivered, but had performed a total of between 50,000 to 60,000 sterilizations and abortions.

“I counted this out of guilt, because I aborted and killed babies,” the midwife, Huaru Yuan, continues. “Many I induced alive and killed. My hands trembled doing it.”

One mother in China told the BBC that she would have liked a second child but was also forced to have an abortion.

She said: “You either go willingly or they come for you.”

Another mother told the BBC, that before the one-child policy was relaxed, she was forced to have an abortion. Speaking of the ordeal she said: “My baby didn’t die immediately… it kept on struggling inside me.

“It broke my heart, the next day it was born still alive… it cried. The doctor said don’t look at it, you’ll have nightmares.”

(Image credit: Shutterstock: ID #703730317)

London BPAS late-term abortion clinic found to be putting women at risk after surprise inspection

An abortion clinic in London, which specialises in late-term abortions, could be putting women at risk after the Care Quality Commission (CQC) found incompetent staff who had not completed life support training and “not all equipment was in good working order”.

The British Pregnancy Advisory Service’s abortion clinic in Streatham performed 4,404 abortions in 2018, including 491 late-term abortions on babies at 20 weeks’ gestation or later. The South London clinic performed the second largest number of late-term abortions in the UK in 2018 with the BPAS Rosslyn abortion clinic in Richmond performing 514.

The ‘service’ in Streatham was rated as “requires improvement” on safety, effectiveness and responsiveness – the worst rating of any private abortion provider since the CQC launched its rating system was, in 2017.

In their report, the CQC notes that two serious incidents and 76 clinical incidents were reported at the clinic between April 2018 and April 2019. 

However, this is likely only the tip of the iceberg as inspectors discovered that “staff did not always report incidents as they felt there was a blame culture”.

One staff member even disclosed to an inspector, “if you raise concerns then you have to face the consequences. I have learnt to keep quiet”

Alarmingly, only nine of the clinic’s twenty-four members of staff had received training to spot and treat sepsis, which is the leading cause of maternal death in the UK. 

The report also raised concerns over the lack of care given to women handed the abortion-inducing drug misprosotol, which was approved for home use by the Government last year.

It states: “The clinic had recently started to offer patients the home use of misoprostol. However, we found women were not offered the choice of returning to the clinic to take the second tablet if they wanted to.” 

Right To Life UK has previously spoken out and campaigned against the decision to allow for the administration of misoprostol away from medical supervision and oversight.

In addition to a litany of health concerns and safety abuses, inspectors were particularly critical about the abortion clinic’s staff. 

Labelling this area of service “inadequate,” the report states that managers “did not always have the skills and abilities to run the service”, and “the service did not always make sure staff were competent for their roles”.

It adds: “We found one staff record where certain competencies for the role they were employed for had not been signed off since they started the organisation over three years ago”.

Inspectors found further negligence in this area through a lack of effective monitoring to ensure staff had received the appropriate safeguarding training. Two staff members hadn’t completed the mandatory safeguarding training and only 64% of staff were fully compliant with the necessary regulations. 

Meanwhile, staff have spoken of a “culture of blame and harassment” which created a “demoralising environment”

This is the second BPAS clinic in a matter of months found to be putting women at risk.

Last year, the Care Quality Commission were contacted by a local NHS trust who “raised concerns regarding the frequency of patients coming to them from BPAS Merseyside”.

Inspectors found six cases of women who “required urgent medical attention due to complications and were transferred from the service to another healthcare provider between January and December 2018.” 

In 2018, a surgeon contracted by the clinic was struck off the medical register for exposing patients to the risk of life-threatening conditions during abortions. 

In 2017, the CQC found 16 serious incidents had occurred in which patients were admitted to hospital for emergency treatment over a period of three years. Over the same period, 11 women were transferred for emergency hospital treatment after suffering serious injuries. 

BPAS Merseyside and BPAS Streatham both performed over 4,000 terminations in 2018 placing them both among the top 10 abortion providers in the country. 

Despite a long history of health concerns and safety abuses from the abortion provider, BPAS has taken over re-commissioned ‘services’ across the West Midlands. It follows the closure of five Marie Stopes International (MSI) abortion clinics with a chequered history in the West Midlands. 

In 2016, MSI Birmingham along with other MSI centres around the country had some of their ‘services’ suspended due to procedural and safety concerns raised by the CQC. 

Volunteers offering pro-life help outside the clinic told March for Life UK it was not uncommon to see 2 or 3 ambulances lined up outside the building.

Right To Life UK spokesperson Catherine Robinson said:

 “Yet again, however, we are confronted with the callous disregard for a woman’s health and safety from the abortion industry. Sadly, this is not the first time that an abortion provider, which receives millions of pounds of taxpayer money annually, has been found to be placing the health and safety of women at risk. 

“The Care Quality Commission wants to see improvements at all of these clinics but the only real improvement that can be made to abortion clinics, for the lives of both women and unborn babies, would be for them to be closed.”

Down’s syndrome advocates speak out against pressure from health bodies that will introduce abortion for the condition to Northern Ireland

Down’s syndrome advocates have spoken out against Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists (RCOG) and the Royal College of Midwives (RCM) for putting pressure on the Government to make abortion available for any reason up to 24 weeks – including for Down’s syndrome – in Northern Ireland. 

The Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists (RCOG) and the Royal College of Midwives were responding to the Government’s consultation on a new abortion framework for Northern Ireland.

The stance these bodies have adopted is out of touch with more recent medical guidance. In October last year, it was revealed that the survival rate for extremely premature babies has doubled over the past decade, prompting new guidance allowing doctors to try to save babies born as early as 22 weeks into a pregnancy.

The Conservative Government’s current proposed also goes far beyond the existing law in Great Britain and far beyond what is legally required by the Northern Ireland (Executive Formation etc) Act 2019.

The Government is not required by the Act to introduce abortion for Down’s syndrome, or other disabilities such as cleft lip or club foot, to Northern Ireland. Yet, to the dismay of the Down’s syndrome community, the Conservative Government have proposed to introduce disability-selective abortion up to birth in their extreme framework.

Under one of the proposal options being consulted on, abortion for disabilities would be available through to birth when “The fetus if born would suffer a severe impairment, including a mental or physical disability which is likely to significantly limit either the length or quality of the child’s life” (Section 2.3 – page 17). 

In England and Wales, similar wording has in practice allowed abortions for conditions including Down’s syndrome, cleft lip and club foot right through to birth.

Without a clear provision stating otherwise, under the proposed wording in the Conservatives abortion framework it is likely that disability-selective abortion will be available up to birth.

Over 1700 people with Down’s syndrome and their families have now signed an open letter urging the UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson not to introduce disability-selective abortion up to birth in Northern Ireland.

Dozens of families, who have signed the letter, have shared photos of their children with Down’s syndrome on social media to help send a strong message to Boris Johnson.

The letter has been backed by the Don’t Screen Us Out community, a coalition of advocacy groups, who are concerned about the scope of the Northern Ireland regulations and the “devastating impact” it will have on families with Down’s syndrome children.

The letter to Boris Johnson warns him if a provision is put in place to protect babies with Down’s syndrome he will be “directly responsible for introducing a deeply discriminatory law to Northern Ireland that will allow for babies with Down’s syndrome to be chosen for abortion simply because they are found to have the condition.”

It adds: “This seems archaic in a culture where we embrace our differences and no longer treat people with disabilities as second-class citizens.

“We are asking that you ensure that selective abortion for Down’s syndrome, which will have such great consequences for our community, is not introduced to Northern Ireland.

“Boris Johnson, please do the right thing. Don’t screen us out. Ensure that abortion for Down’s syndrome is not introduced to Northern Ireland.”

In England and Wales – where abortion is available up until birth if a baby has a disability – people with disabilities are unjustly and disproportionately targeted by abortion legislation.

The latest available figures show that 90% of children diagnosed with Down’s syndrome before birth are aborted in England and Wales.

Northern Ireland currently has a very different approach. Disability-selective abortion for Down’s syndrome is not permitted and there is a culture of welcoming and supporting people with this disability rather than eliminating them.

This is reflected directly in the latest figures (2016) from the Department of Health in Northern Ireland, which show that while there were 52 children born with Down’s syndrome, in the same year, only 1 child from Northern Ireland with Down’s syndrome was aborted in England and Wales.

A recent Freedom of Information request has revealed that at least 710 late-term abortions (between 20 weeks and birth) for Down’s syndrome have taken place in England and Wales over the last 10 years (2009-2018).

However, the figures are likely to be much higher – a 2013 review showed 886 babies were aborted in England & Wales in 2010, just because they had Down’s syndrome. However, only 482 were reported in Department of Health records, with the underreporting confirmed in a 2014 Department of Health review.

According to the legislation that changed the law, the new framework must be in place by 31 March.

Don’t Screen Us Out spokesperson, Lynn Murray said:

“We oppose the RCOG’s call to introduce an abortion framework that will introduce Down’s syndrome abortion to Northern Ireland. Introducing abortion on request to Northern Ireland would introduce abortion for Down’s syndrome to Northern Ireland. This would likely lead to a big increase in abortion for congenital conditions detected pre-birth in Northern Ireland, and would reduce the numbers of our already very small community. This would have a devastating impact on the community of people with Down’s syndrome in Northern Ireland.

“We are calling on the Government to urgently clarify that they will not introduce abortion for Down’s syndrome to Northern Ireland. All that is required is for the Government to commit to add a simple provision to the abortion framework that will clearly outline that abortion for Down’s syndrome will explicitly not be allowed.

“The Government were not required by Northern Ireland (Executive Formation etc) Act 2019 to introduce abortion for Down’s syndrome to Northern Ireland. Sadly it appears that they have decided to go further than they are required to do by the Act and have opted to introduce abortion for Down’s syndrome to Northern Ireland in their proposed legal framework.

“We live in a society which proclaims that we want to empower those with disabilities, and that regardless of your background, you deserve a fair and equal chance at life. We believe that our laws must reflect this narrative.”

The RCOG may soon force pro-life medical students who want to protect unborn babies from terminations to learn “abortion skills” under new proposals.In its Better for Women report, the College states its intention to teach and assess “abortion skills” as part of its core curriculum but made no mention of any provision for conscientious objection.

Lord Alton: Why Gibraltar should vote no on March 19

In a referendum on March 19th, Gibraltar is facing a life and death decision.

Should it follow the U.K. – where there have been 9 million abortions, one every three minutes- and legalise the routine taking of life in the womb?

Speaking in Gibraltar today, against a change in the law, I couldn’t help thinking about the Rock’s extraordinary story: its strategic importance, and what Gibraltar has represented across endless pages of history.

During the Second World War, having sailed with thousands of others from Liverpool, my late father came through the Straits of Gibraltar as a young soldier in the Eighth Army.

In 1942 those Desert Rats were on their way to the Battle of El Alamein and to the subsequent Allied invasion of Italy.

For his generation, Gibraltar – the Rock – was the iconic bastion, the fortress which represented Britain’s determination to resist the overwhelming destruction of Europe by fascism. It stood emblematically as a last redoubt in a dark and dangerous time.

Even In antiquity, Gibraltar – one of the two Pillars of Hercules – represented the furthest outpost of the known and civilised world. Mythology has it that the mother of Hippocrates – the founder of modern medicine- was one of Hercules’ descendants.

Beyond the myth we know that the Hippocratic Oath – with its injunction to do no harm – still forms the bedrock of medicine practised with ethics – but is routinely disregarded by those who have industrialised medicine for reasons of ideology or private gain.

Today, Gibraltar will need all the courage and strength of Hercules if it is to resist their attempts to barbarise its medical services by permitting the destruction of babies in the womb.

Will it stand with Hippocrates and do no harm – compassionately caring for both a mother and her child – or discard the prohibition not to kill?

Gibraltar’s new law (which is already an Act pending approval in the referendum ) effectively allows abortion on demand – as in the U.K.

Lay people and even lawyers reading the proposed new law may think that it has many checks and balances but the UK ‘s experience is that they are not worth the paper on which they are written. That’s why there are 600 abortions every working day in the UK’s charnel houses. It’s why Gibraltar should vote No.

Significantly, there are no time limits in abortions which could be approved by non-specialist doctors e.g. in Section 163 A (1) (b): “if two registered medical practitioners employed by the Gibraltar Health authority are of the opinion, formed in good faith- (b) that the termination is necessary to prevent grave permanent injury to the physical or mental health of the pregnant woman…”

In the U.K. this sort of open-ended provision has led to babies with a cleft palate being aborted up to birth- and 90%of babies with Down’s syndrome being aborted.

The Gibraltar law uses a phrase about fatal foetal abnormality – for which there is no agreed definition.

And for other abortions, up to 12 weeks, I would like to hear from legislators what they think happens at 11 weeks, 6 days, 23 hours and 59 minutes that suddenly affords a developing child the right to life, and why that child should be denied protection before this arbitrary point? Science teaches us that life begins at fertilisation. And science has moved on dramatically since abortion was legalised.

When the UK’s obsolete limits were being set, we didn’t know what was happening in the womb. We do now. This is a law which flies in the face of science and humanity.

We now know so much more about the undeniable humanity of the child in the womb. It’s all the more clearer that once life begins we should do no harm.

The new law completely disregards increasing evidence about the pain and suffering experienced by the child.
Some legislators in Gibraltar have argued that the UK government would have imposed a wide abortion law on Gibraltar if it doesn’t introduce one itself.

That is simply not true and, in any event, it would be deeply offensive for a territory which rightly boasts of having self-determination to be treated like a 19th century colony of the UK.

Voters in the forthcoming referendum must not think that they are under duress from London – if, it is, then the Gibraltar government should say who in the U.K. is telling it to conform to a law and ethical code which is contested all over the world.

Be clear, neither the UK Supreme Court nor its predecessors in the House of Lords have ever had jurisdiction over Gibraltar and, neither the UK Supreme Court nor the European Court of Human Rights have ever acknowledged the right to abortion.

The 30 Articles of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights contains no “right” to abortion but it does declare the right to life.

Historically, Gibraltar has always acknowledged the existence of the right to life and the legal protection of the child in the womb by joint operation of Section 6 of the Gibraltar Constitution Order in Council (and its 1969 predecessor) and recital 3 of the UN Declaration of the Rights of the Child.

So, be clear, the central proposition in the forthcoming Referendum is nothing less than the abolition in part of the right to life.

And be clear about the secondary question – whether to capitulate to the powerful international abortion industry which has specifically targeted Gibraltar, the Isle of Man and Malta.

It is surprising that Gibraltar’s government, which prides itself on being robust should have rolled over so easily. Its citizens, though, are renowned for their grit and for remembering the rock from which they have been hewn.

By voting No, Gibraltar will be sending a clear signal that both lives matter- and that it will not be bullied into abandoning its values and ethics.

Globally, the tide is turning, and country after country is questioning the abandonment of the Hippocratic Oath and the industrialised ending of vulnerable fragile lives.

Just as progressive countries are once again rising to the defence of the right to life and legal protection of the most vulnerable, it would be a tragedy if Gibraltar abandoned its historic duty to be a bastion in defence of civilised values and the very right to life itself.

On March 19 Gibraltar should vote No.

All opinions expressed here are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of Right To Life UK.